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Vice Chair, University of California, Davis School of Medicine

The pattern that emerged over the 1970s and 1980s was the recognition that major environmental threats were posed by globally powerful institutions cholesterol test do you need to fast cheap vytorin 20mg mastercard, such as multinational corporations cholesterol ratio paleo generic vytorin 30 mg on-line, and multilateral development banks such as the World Bank cholesterol lowering foods south africa buy vytorin 30 mg with mastercard, whose operations reach every city cholesterol chart for males purchase cheapest vytorin and vytorin, village field and forest worldwide. Suddenly, it seems, only "global" environmental problems exist, and it is taken for granted that their solution can only be "global". In this chapter I shall look more closely at what the concept of the "global" conceals and projects, how it builds power relations around environmental issues, and how it transforms the environmental crisis from being a reason for change into a reason for strengthening the status quo. The life of all people, including the poor of the Third World, or the life of the planet, is not at the centre of concern in international negotiations on global environmental issues. The "global" in the dominant discourse is the political space in which a particular dominant local seeks global control, and frees itself of local, national and international restraints. The global does not represent the universal human interest, it represents a particular local and parochial interest which has been globalized through the scope of its reach. The seven most powerful countries, the G-7, dictate global affairs, but the interests that guide them remain narrow, local and parochial. It is a Bank where decisions are based on the voting power weighted by the economic and political power of donors, and in this decision-making it is the communities who pay the real price and the real donors (such as the tribals of Narmada Valley whose lives are being destroyed by a Bank financed mega-dam) but have no say. The "global" of today reflects a modern version of the global reach of a handful of British merchant adventurers who, as the East India Company, later the British Empire, raided and looted large areas of the world. Over the past 500 years of colonialism, whenever this global reach has been threatened by resistance, the language of opposition has been co-opted, redefined and used to legitimize future control. The environment movement revealed the environmental and social costs generated by maldevelopment, conceived of and financed by such institutions as the World Bank. Now, however, the language of the environment is itself being taken over and made the reason for strengthening such "global" institutions and increasing their global reach. In addition to the legitimacy derived from coopting the language of dissent is the legitimization that derives from a false notion that the globalized "local" is some form of hierarchy that reflects geographical and democratic spread, and to which lower order hierarchies should somehow be subservient. Operationalizing undemocratic development projects was based on a similar false notion of "national interest", and every local interest felt morally compelled to make sacrifices for what seemed the larger interest. It was this moral compulsion that led each community to make way for the construction of mega-dams in post-independence India. Only during the 1980s, when the different "local" interests met nationwide, did they realize that what was projected as the "national interest" was, in fact, the electoral interests of a handful of politicians financed by a handful of contractors, such as J. Against the narrow and selfish interest that had been elevated to the status of "national" interest, the collective effort of communities engaged in resistance against large dams began to emerge as the real though subjugated national interest. Instead of extending environmental concern and action, the recent emergence of a focus on "global" environmental problems has in fact narrowed the agenda. The multiple environmental concerns that emerged from the grassroots, including the forest, and the water crises, toxic and nuclear hazards and so on have been marginalized. The exclusion of other concerns from the global agenda is spurious, since, for example, the nuclear and chemical industries operate globally, and the problems they generate in every local situation are related to their global reach. The construction becomes a political tool not only to free the dominant destructive forces operating worldwide from all responsibility for all the destruction on to the communities that have no global reach. Through a shift from present to future, the North gains a new political space in which to control the South. It also creates the economic base, since through conventions and protocols, the problem is reduced to technology and aid transfer. The financial resources that go into the Montreal Protocol Fund for transfer of technology are in effect subsidies for Dupont and others, not for the Third World. The erosion of biodiversity is another area in which control has been shifted from the South to the North through its identification as a global problem. But biodiversity is a resource over which local communities and nations have sovereign rights. Globalization becomes a political means to erode these sovereign rights, and a means to shift control over and access to biological resources from the gene-rich South to the genepoor North. Through its global reach, the North exists in the South, but the South exists only within itself, since it has no global reach. Solutions to the global environmental problems can come only from the global, that is the North. Since the North has abundant industrial technology and capital, if it has to provide a solution to environmental problems, they must be reduced to a currency that the North dominates. The problem of ecology is transformed into a problem of technology transfer and finance.

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In temperate and tropical regions cholesterol test principle cheap 30mg vytorin mastercard, land transformation from forests to pastures has been extensive cholesterol levels range chart order vytorin online pills. Forest removal and conversion to pastures and croplands is key driver of deforestation cholesterol kid definition buy vytorin canada, especially in tropical regions of the Americas cholesterol test nz order vytorin 20 mg amex. For example, in Brazil 70­80% of deforestation was estimated to have resulted from the development of livestock systems (Tourrand et al. A variety of grazing land management strategies exist to promote restoration of degraded grazing lands. Land degradation can be prevented and reversed through applying appropriate grazing management strategies, with strategies differing greatly in the ease and cost of implementation (see also Chapter 6, Section 6. Following on the example given above, in response to deteriorating grassland conditions in Mongolia during the late 1990s, community-based conservation initiatives were created to implement grassland conservation programs, develop alternative livelihoods for local communities and enhance communication between communities, national park administrators, and local government officials. After nearly a decade, both grassland productivity and median incomes increased (Leisher et al. Although the absence or breakdown of social norms and traditional practices and the absence of land rights and land tenure policies may increase the risk of land degradation from poor livestock management practices, there is evidence that the creation of community based grazing land practices that target both grassland conservation and livelihoods may provide benefits to nature and humans (Leisher et al. Grazing pressure from the dominant livestock types are highly variable across regions of the world. Trend in animal numbers over the time period from 2000 through 2009 have mostly been stable or decreasing across 80% of the regions. Southern Asia has seen the largest increases in animal density over this time period. World grazing land area has declined globally but there are clear differences in these trends across regions. Croplands include both land under permanent crops and arable land which includes temporary crops, temporary meadows for mowing or pasture, gardens, and land temporarily fallow for less than five years ( Fewer than 20 crops are planted on more than three quarters of global croplands (Foley et al. Many studies have shown that modifying diets provides ample opportunities to meet societal demands without amplifying existing pressures on natural ecosystems (Bajzelj et al. This is being driven by two factors: an increase in global population and a switch to higher animal protein diets with increased standards of living. Changes in socio-cultural values to lower meat diets may reduce the demand for production in this sector in the future (Thornton, 2010). Demand for bioenergy Increased demand for bioethanol and biodiesel from crop products translated into a small area of land use in absolute terms. This policy emphasis initially took the shape of a set of supports for biofuel production, then with increasing concerns about the social and environmental impacts of biofuels, policies have been reoriented towards a more restrained role for biofuels. Bioenergy could become a severe driver of land degradation (see Chapter 7, Section 7. A review of 53 studies on impacts of bioenergy crops on biodiversity showed that these impacts are mostly negative, especially in tropical regions (Immerzeel et al. Growing population and changing consumption patterns Between 1963-2005, global cropland for food increased by some 270 M ha. Over that whole period, 26% of this expansion was attributed to dietary changes and 74% to population increase, but these two drivers are becoming equal over time with rising incomes (Kastner et al. Rising household incomes are typically associated with an increased consumption of meat, dairy products, sugars and oils, and leisure crops such as coffee, tea and cocoa (Alexander et al. These commodities were responsible for the majority of net expansion in recent decades (Rueda & Lambin 2014). Indeed, half of the additional cropland production since 1963 is associated with the increased demand for animal feed (Alexander et al. Other recent changes include emerging markets for diverse fruits, nuts and other products (Hecht, 2014). Land-use change related to bioenergy crop expansion has been shown to result in habitat loss, alterations in species richness and abundance, and biological homogenization. Appropriate land-use planning can contribute to reduce the negative impacts of bioenergy crops (Joly et al. Technological advances Between 1961-1990, most of the growth in agricultural output came through increased inputs of labour, capital, and material per unit area of agricultural land (Fuglie, 2012; Fuglie & Rada, 2015).

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