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If they are incompatible the artifact may develop a multiple personality disorder which can lead to self-destruction prostate cancer detection generic rogaine 5 60 ml on-line. Artifact material can be a good guide since metallic artifacts are most often Jmorvi prostate cancer foundation buy rogaine 5 60 ml without a prescription. Hence prostate cancer 9 on gleason scale rogaine 5 60ml otc, an artifact with an Ego of 11 could have prostate 40 plus rogaine 5 60 ml with visa, for example, two four-point powers and one three-point power. Minor powers require no Ego, but cannot be combined with any other powers, whether major or minor. Some powers can be major or minor; they are considered minor powers if they are installed in a minor artifact and major powers if installed in a major artifact. If 1d100 is less than or equal to the percentage chance given (under %) the artifact has the indicated power. Powers which require other powers may be skipped if the requisite power is not generated. If the total Ego/Will requirements equal Ego/Will, stop generating powers-the artifact is full. Once the end of the list is reached, the process of "installing" powers is complete. Fount of Power is a Neutral enchantment which enables an artifact to hold a store of Energy Levels which may be expended (instead of acquiring equivalent Fatigue Levels) by a character invoking a psionic talent or casting a spell. A major or minor artifact enchanted with a Fount of Power spell is often called an Artifact of Power. Fount of Power may be installed in an artifact on a permanent or indefinite basis (depending on whether it is installed as the artifact is made/grown or later). Resurge can be present only in major artifacts with Fount of Power or a similar energystoring enchantment. The power is "installed" by means of a Neutral spell called Resurge, or by some similar enchantment. An artifact with this power recharges itself with 25% of its Energy Level Capacity each hour (hence it will fully recharge from empty in four hours). If the Fount of Power is Permanent, there is an 85% chance the Resurge is also Permanent. Psionic Talents may be installed in natural or artificial personalities, or even added to natural personalities which already have them. Talents are typically installed by means of a Neutral spell called Power of Daras, or some similar enchantment. Its function is to enhance the other powers of the artifact when they are used against the class of object involved. Vessel of Iladan is a major artifact power which enables an attuned user to store other spells in the artifact for instant recall. The power is created by a Neutral spell called Vessel of Iladan, or some similar enchantment. An attuned user may install spells by expending three Fatigue Levels and twice the normal Time to Cast. Focus enhances the chance of success for an attuned user to cast a compatible spell through the Focus. The user must be in direct skin contact with the Focus in order to channel spells through it. The power may be installed in major or minor artifacts by a multiconvocational spell called Focus, or a similar enchantment. Attunement is a special, empathetic relationship (familiarity) between an entity (attuner) and an artifact. There are various ways in which the relationship can be established depending on the skills/talents of the attuner and the attributes of the artifact. Multiple Attunements A character can be attuned to more than one artifact at the same time. Some can be convinced that actions which seemingly act against their Purpose actually further it. Manual Attunement this is the simplest and most time-consuming method of attunement. It is necessary to handle and contemplate the artifact in a conducive environment for an hour a day. Psionic Attunement the psionic talent Sensitivity can be used to attune to an artifact without delay.
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Anti-Semitism explains a high proportion of the variance in Islamophobia prostate cancer blood test buy cheap rogaine 5 60ml, and Islamophobia explains a high proportion of the variance in anti-Semitism prostate oncology 2 buy rogaine 5 mastercard. A general negative variable prostate specific antigen order rogaine 5 cheap, such as perceived threat of foreigners androgen hormone key order discount rogaine 5 online, explains a high proportion of the variance in both Islamophobia and anti-Semitism. In our study, we make use of survey data we collected among Dutch youth concerning Islamophobia and anti-Semitism. We consider Islamophobia and anti-Semitism to be negative attitudes toward Islam/Muslims and Judaism/Jews, respectively. The major characteristic of an attitude is its affective nature; "the amount of affect for or against some object. In our view, cognitions (knowledge and perceptions, including clichйs and stereotypes) and behavior are not dimensions of an attitude, but rather, are variables that may explain variance in an attitude (cognitions), and/or respectively be an effect of an attitude (behavior): more knowledge generally results in less stereotyping and reduction of negative out-group attitudes, while negative attitudes make negative behavior toward out-groups more likely. We see, however, an indissoluble union between the attitude toward the religion and the attitude toward those who are perceived as its adherents. People like or dislike Muslims because they identify them with a religion that they like or dislike, or vice versa. Islamophobia is, then, having a negative attitude toward Islam and Muslims; anti-Semitism is, in our view, having a negative attitude toward Judaism and Jews. In order to uncover the relative importance of anti-Semitism as a predictor of Islamophobia, we included several other independent variables in our analyses. These variables were derived from the Integrated Threat Theory, which states that negative outgroup attitudes are caused by group-specific threat perceptions, negative stereotypes, and anxiety. Several studies have confirmed that threat perceptions are, in fact, strong predictors of negative out-group attitudes, 15 and, in particular, "anti-Muslim attitudes. From our focus group discussions19 we know that Dutch adolescents strongly associate Muslims with Turks and Moroccans; all conversations were about Turks or Moroccans, rather than about Muslims. This is not surprising because more than 90 percent of the people with a Turkish or Moroccan background declared themselves to be Muslim,20 and more than 60 percent of the Muslims in the Netherlands are of Turkish or Moroccan background, while the other 40 percent are dispersed over many small groups. Background variables are age, gender, education level, social class, and religiosity. A fairly common finding is that older respondents have more negative attitudes toward ethnic out-groups than the younger ones, 22 males have more negative out-group attitudes than females, and higher education leads to less negative attitudes toward ethnic out-groups in general, 23 and toward Muslims. Research findings show a weak relationship between religiosity and negative out-group attitudes, 25 but highly religious people and religious traditionalists have shown more negative views of Islam. In total, 734 respondents from 11 secondary schools from various regions in the Netherlands participated in our study. Completed questionnaires were not included in the analyses when we suspected that they had not been filled out seriously (57), when the respondents reported as not being of Dutch nationality (10), or when they indicated to be Muslim (64) or Jewish (3). Furthermore, we limited our sample to respondents between 14 and 16 years of age (583). Finally, questionnaires that contained missing values on the measures of Islamophobia or antiSemitism were also deleted. Girls (52 percent), and students in higher-level general education, were slightly over-represented in the sample. Principal component analysis revealed, again, one underlying factor (factor loadings >. Measurement of perceptions of threat was accomplished by statements reflecting economic threats. We included one scale that particularly referred to perceived threat from Muslims and Islam (7 items, factor loadings >. Perceived threat from foreigners in general was measured by statements reflecting economic threat, safety concerns, and value threat posed by foreigners in general. Respondents were further asked whether they thought that a number of characteristics were applicable to the groups and religions, respectively. To avoid bias, an equal number of positive and negative characteristics were included in the questionnaire.
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While some Islamic scholars prostate robotic surgery buy rogaine 5 60ml with amex, such as Tariq Ramadan (2004) man health 30 buy 60ml rogaine 5 fast delivery, have attempted to formulate a standard of halal accommodations to the conditions of living in nonMuslimmajority societies such as Western Europe prostate normal size purchase rogaine 5 toronto, in an explicit effort to incorporate such diasporic settings into the dar alIslam prostate cancer that has spread to the bones order rogaine 5 paypal, others take a more explicitly global perspective that broker no such accommodations or continental specificities of pious living (see AlSayyad and Castells 2002; Cesari 2010; Humphrey 2007; Kepel 1997; Mandaville 2001; Nielsen 2004; Roy 2004; Tibi 2008). As ethnographers have argued, diasporic Marxist, antiimperialist, feminist, and queer rights movements have similar capacities to creolize across ethnic, racial, and national lines while still being rooted in realworld political geographies and commitments (ElTayeb 2011; Naber 2012; Partridge 2012). Generational solidarities around lifestyle or music similarly foster youthful cosmopolitanisms that register a consonance of tastes, living conditions, and commitments across vast distances and interceding cultural divides (Abdelhady 2011: 119129; Swedenburg 2007). Even explicitly, ethnonationalist movements based in the diaspora exhibit some of these intercultural connections that Ben Rampton (1995), based on his fieldwork in the multiethnic housing estates of South London, has termed sociolinguistic "crossings. The case of the Berber (Amazigh) movement that I have been studying is a strong case in point. To be called a "Berber" or chleuh in Algeria or Morocco has long been, for many, an unforgivable insult (Gellner and Micaud 1973), and the Amazigh cultural movement has, for over the last three decades, operated as rearguard action in these countries to gain official recognition for Berberness (or Tamazight) as a living culture, part and parcel of the modern nation (Goodman 2005; MaddyWeitzman 2011; Silverstein 2003). In the diaspora, by contrast, identifying as "Berber" or "Amazigh" amounts to a claim to urbane, secular modernity in contrast to "AraboIslamic" backwardness. It was among immigrant workers in France in the 1960s that the Berber language (Tamazight) was first standardized, the Berber alphabet (Tifinagh) first resurrected, and the first declarations of panregional Amazigh unity articulated as such. Ultimately, it has been the efforts of the diaspora that have allowed Berbers across the world to recognize themselves as one people in spite of their differences. In addition to specifying the particular scope, composition, communicative strategies, and political ideologies of the various new social movements flourishing in the diaspora, ethnographers have been particularly attuned to the various performances and aesthetic practices in which these groups engage, the way the diasporas come to constitute counterpublics within their particular urban and national settings. Hamid Naficy (1993) has called attention to the ways in which the Iranian diaspora- whether in Tehrangeles or elsewhere-has been united through watching television and film, and Hamid Dabashi (1993) and Farzaneh Hammasi (2011) have pointed to the similar role of theater and popular music, respectively. Jeanette Jouili (2012, 2014) has ethnographically explored the politically and theologically fraught efforts by Muslims in Britain and France to create a parallel art scene and audiovisual genre of halal theater and comedy for pious audiences. These efforts are part of a larger Islamic fashion scene, consumer goods industry (including, notably, entrepreneurial ventures such as Mecca Cola and halal fastfood chains), and entertainment world specifically oriented toward the Muslim diaspora in Europe and North America (Echchaibi 2012; Moors and Salih 2009). In addition to these personal, consumerist practices, diasporic cultural life often takes place in collective performances, whether in the form of religious ritual, political participation in rallies or elections, or commemorative gatherings. These are often organized by religious establishments, mutual aid societies, or, increasingly, a variety of cultural associations that dominate the diaspora landscape (Abdelhady 2011; Kaya 2001; Kelly 2011; Naber 2012; Silverstein 2004). For instance, European and North American Amazigh associations host annual secular celebrations of the Berber New Year (Yennayer), the spring flower festival, and the commemoration of Tafsut (the 1980 "Berber Spring" when activists first rallied in Kabylia)-events that occur simultaneously across the world wherever selfidentified Imazighen organize themselves (Silverstein 2003). Other ethnographers have explored the ways in which religious rituals associated with the celebrations of Ashura, Ramadan, Coptic Easter, Zoroastrian Noruz, and various Sufi dhikr performances take on commensurable, if locally variant, forms across different diasporic locales (see Gross et al. And still others have examined more recent invented traditions, including various gatherings and parades in honor of Muslim World Day (Slyomovics 1996) or Persian Day (Malek 2011). As with other poetic forms discussed earlier, such ritual performances of identification outline diasporic ecumene that do not resolve to-and, indeed, often resist capture by-nationstates, whether so called homelands or hostlands. The two parades just mentioned may have sought to connect New York Muslims to the global umma, and New York "Persians" to the global Iranian diaspora, but, in the context of findesiиcle United States, played out for participants and spectators as assertions of belonging as commensurably hyphenated national citizens (as MuslimAmericans or IranianAmericans) (Malek 2011: 389). The stakes for such assertions are increasingly high, given the long history of racialization of Middle Easterners and North Africans as suspect or probationary citizens of New World states (AlfaroVelcamp 2011; Farnia 2011; Gualtieri 2009; Pinto 2011; see Roediger and Barrett 1997), and the contemporary amalgamation of the "Arab" ethnicity, Islam, and terrorism in public discourse both in North America and Western Europe. Whether in their individual presentations of self in everyday life, or their collective affirmations of diasporic belonging, Middle Eastern and North African diasporans are implicitly-and sometimes explicitly- responding to configurations of formal and informal suspicion. Broadly following the sociological model set forth by the 1920s Chicago School urban ethnographers under the direction of Robert Park (1967 [1925]), scholars of Middle Eastern and North African diasporas have tended to focus their attention on the dynamics of immigrant incorporation into the structures of national life, whether conceptualized through the frame of assimilation trajectories. For pessimistic observers, conflicts inevitably arise from a fundamental incompatibility between the transnational orientation of diasporic groups and the demands of political and cultural integration within hostlands, between enduring Middle Eastern culturalreligious practices among diasporans and the secular/Christian values of Western societies (Buruma 2006; Caldwell 2009; Kristeva 1993; Lewis and Schnapper 1994; Schnapper 1992; Wikan 2002). They have studied the "public reasoning" (Bowen 2006) that has given rise to legislation regulating Islamic practice-including halal food production, mosque construction, and Islamic education-within a secular or Christian state context, and established institutions such as the French Council of the Muslim Faith to officially represent diasporic Muslims and reconfigure "Islam in the West" to a domesticated "Western Islam" (Bowen 2010; Cesari 1994; Fernando 2010, 2014; Gцle 2013; Laurence 2012; Peter 2006; Yьkleyen 2012). In particular, European states have put increasingly tighter strictures on publicly acceptable Islamic dress- notably the 2003 French ban of "manifest signs of religious belonging" (targeting the hijab) in public schools and the 2010 ban on face covering (niqab, chador, etc. Controversies around Islamic dress have tended to put young diasporic women at the center of "cosmopolitan anxieties" (Mandel 2008) over national cultural reproduction, thus recapitulating the broader gendering of the nation as feminine and in need of constant scrutiny by a masculine state (YuvalDavis 1997). But, as a number of ethnographers have likewise insisted, young, unemployed Muslim men in the diaspora- as "immigrant" bodies without laboring purpose (Sayad 2004), as restless, delinquent, and potentially violent-have been increasingly subject to social stigmatization, state surveillance, and racist attacks (Ewing 2008; Guйnif Souilamas and Macй 2004). Beyond unpacking the etiology, political economy, and historical context of the construction of the abject "angry Muslim" (Leiken 2011), ethnographers have turned their attention to the institutional sites of racialized confrontation, documenting the interactions between diasporans and various authority figures, including the police (Cainkar 2009; Fassin 2013), judges (Terrio 2009), and educators (Bayoumi 2009; Keaton 2006). Over the course of more than a century now, those hailing from the region have been gradually and ambivalently incorporated into national racial formations and autochthony ideologies (Geschiere 2009) that have alternately (through legal and extralegal means) classified them as "probationary" whites, "inbetween peoples" (Roediger and Barrett 1997; Gualtieri 2009), model minorities, or abject, deportable populations (Jamal and Naber 2008; Silverstein 2005).
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